After the resignation of the former head of the President's Office, Andriy Yermak, the system of power in Ukraine began to gradually change. A new balance of influence is forming around President Volodymyr Zelensky, and the government of Yulia Svyrydenko has received more space for independent decisions, although the key role in the governance system remains with the head of state.
This is stated in an analysis by Ukrainska Pravda, which examined how the configuration of power changed after the corruption scandal known as Mindichgate.
New configuration of power on Bankova Street
On March 2, a meeting was held in the presidential office with the participation of Volodymyr Zelensky, Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko, and Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council Rustem Umerov. Formally, the meeting was dedicated to summing up the difficult winter and preparing for the next heating season.
However, the very composition of the meeting participants demonstrates changes in the power system. A few months ago, such meetings were practically impossible to imagine without the mandatory participation of the head of the President's Office. During Yermak's leadership, political decisions were made through his office, and access to the president was actually controlled by the Office of the President.
After his resignation, the president began holding more direct meetings with government officials, politicians, and public figures.
The energy corruption scandal, dubbed “Mindichgate,” was the biggest political blow to Zelensky’s team during his presidency. It led to personnel rotations in government and the de facto removal of Yermak from the system of governance.
After that, a vacuum of influence arose in the power vertical, which various groups in the president's team began to fill.
Some of the functions of the former head of the Office were taken over by the deputy heads of the Office, some by the power bloc, and some by the president himself through direct instructions to officials.
The role of Yulia Svyridenko
Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko headed the government in July 2025. Her appointment took place with the active support of Yermak, who tried to change the prime minister back in 2024.
At that time, the government actually played the role of an executive body under the Office of the President. Key decisions were formed at Bankova Street, and the Cabinet of Ministers implemented them.
After Yermak's resignation, the situation changed. According to the publication's interlocutors in power, Svyrydenko initially seemed disoriented, but gradually began to work directly with the president and strengthen her role in the governance system.
The government notes that the Prime Minister has begun to exercise stricter control over ministers and demand results from members of the Cabinet.
One of the internal conflicts in the Cabinet of Ministers remains the tension between Svyrydenko and Deputy Prime Minister for Recovery Oleksiy Kuleba.
He is considered to be a person connected to the former head of the OP. The possibility of replacing him is being discussed in government circles.
Among the potential candidates for the position is the head of the Zaporizhzhia Regional Military Administration, Ivan Fedorov, who has the support of part of the Servant of the People faction and the positive attitude of the president.
Despite his resignation, the publication's sources claim that Yermak continues to maintain contacts with government officials, diplomats, and individual ministers.
However, the nature of his influence has changed. Whereas previously he had constant access to the president and could directly influence decision-making, now his participation in political processes is significantly limited.
Key figures in the new system
After personnel changes in government, the role of several key officials has increased.
Former Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal returned to work in the energy sector and was tasked with stabilizing the situation in the industry after energy scandals.
Mikhail Fedorov, who has moved to the Ministry of Defense, is actively promoting technological changes in the military, in particular, the development of systems to intercept Russian drones.
According to military leadership, the effectiveness of intercepting “Shaheeds” using interceptor drones has increased from approximately 30% to over 70% in Kyiv in recent months.
Despite personnel changes, the government faces a number of systemic problems.
One of the main ones is the lack of strong managers in key areas. Some ministers, according to government sources, are effective mid-level managers but lack sufficient political influence for large-scale reforms.
In addition, the situation in the Verkhovna Rada remains difficult. In a single-party majority, it is increasingly difficult to find votes even to fulfill Ukraine's international obligations to the IMF or the European Union.
The situation with the appointment of the Minister of Justice is indicative - the position has remained vacant for several months, although the candidacy has been agreed upon.
Currently, Ukraine effectively maintains a model in which the president plays a key role in decision-making, while the government acts as a coordinator between the Bank, the Cabinet, and the parliament.
Those in power recognize that without the emergence of several strong managers in critical areas—infrastructure, energy, and recovery—the government will find it difficult to deliver tangible results.
