Over the past three years since the liquidation of the Kyiv District Administrative Court, the Ukrainian state budget has spent about 157 million hryvnias on payments to its judges. The court, which formally ceased to exist in December 2022, continues to cost taxpayers tens of millions of hryvnias, despite its scandalous legacy and numerous criminal proceedings.
The Supreme Judicial Council of Ukraine has long been considered one of the key symbols of systemic corruption in the judiciary. Its judges made decisions that directly influenced the political processes in the country: they banned peaceful assemblies during the Revolution of Dignity, blocked judicial reform, canceled decommunization, reinstated uncertified law enforcement officers, and, according to investigators, prepared scenarios for Viktor Yanukovych's return to power during a full-scale war.
The turning point was the so-called “Vovk tapes” released by NABU. They revealed how the then-Chairman of the Court, Pavlo Vovk, and his entourage coordinated decisions, put pressure on judicial bodies, and tried to take control of the judicial governance system. The final straw was the exposure of Vovk’s brother receiving a $100,000 bribe to be passed on to judges of the OASC.
Despite the court's liquidation, most of its judges retained their status and continue to receive remuneration. Pavlo Vovk was dismissed only in 2025, but he is appealing this decision in the Supreme Court and has a chance of being reinstated. More than 40 other judges of the OASC are still in the system: some of them are waiting for a favorable moment to return, others are preparing for an honorable retirement with lifetime payments.
The materials of the “Vovk tapes” have become the basis of at least two criminal proceedings. The first, key one, is being heard in the High Anti-Corruption Court and concerns the creation of a criminal organization to influence state decisions. Its consideration has been delayed for years due to systematic recusals, replacement of lawyers, and failure to appear by the defense. The second proceeding, regarding the blocking of the work of the High Qualification Commission of Judges, has virtually no prospects due to the expiration of the statute of limitations.
At the same time, disciplinary mechanisms are also stalling. In two years, the High Council of Justice has finally dismissed only three judges of the Supreme Judicial Council. Some cases have been suspended due to the lack of a quorum, others have not even been opened. Qualification assessment is also being massively sabotaged: judges have been failing to appear for exams for years, using formal reasons.
An additional threat is posed by the Supreme Court. If it sides with Pavlo Vovk and declares the use of materials from secret investigative actions in disciplinary cases illegal, this could lead to the return of not only his robes, but also dozens of other dishonest judges, effectively nullifying attempts to clean up the system.
Against this background, the state is preparing to create new specialized administrative courts to replace the OACS — this is one of the key requirements of the EU and the IMF. The selection of judges for them will take place with the participation of international experts. It is this process that will determine whether the new institution will become a break with the past or another revenge of the old system.
Meanwhile, the story of the OASC continues in the form of millions in payments, blocked cases, and the risk of the return of odious judges. And only public pressure and the principled position of the judicial governance bodies can prevent this story from ending in the defeat of the reform.
