Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Unity Oleksiy Chernyshov has found himself at the center of a high-profile anti-corruption scandal. NABU and SAPO have detained his longtime associates — Maksym Horbatyuk, director of commercial affairs at JSC Ukrgazvydobuvannya, and Vasyl Volodin, a member of the board of NJSC Naftogaz. They are linked to schemes that caused billions in losses to the state.
Scheme for a billion and apartments for pennies
This concerns fraud surrounding the allocation of land in Kyiv for development. According to the investigation, while Chernyshov was working at the Ministry of Regional Development, his team facilitated the illegal acquisition of land by a developer. To do this, they understated the value of land and buildings by almost five times, which allowed the developer to reduce the amount of free transfer of apartments to the state.
As a result, officials and people close to them received apartments in new buildings at a symbolic price — 3–30 times lower than the market price. The amount of bribes — about 17 million UAH. One of these apartments ended up in the possession of the family of an SBU officer who was responsible for Chernyshov’s security.
Searches, arrests and foreign business trips
Despite the fact that Chernyshov has been involved in the case for a long time, he was not only not fired, but was even promoted. The position of Deputy Prime Minister opened up the possibility of frequent trips abroad for him - it was abroad that he was when the arrests began.
Chernyshov's house was searched a month ago. He is currently not formally a suspect, but the media considers him a key figure in this case.
Who is behind the case: internal purge or political attack?
Two versions are actively discussed among the political establishment:
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Internal power struggle. Chernyshov is linked to Timur Mindych, one of President Zelensky's closest associates. There has been an active media campaign against Mindych recently. The scandal with Chernyshov may be part of a broader game aimed at weakening their positions and neutralizing the deputy prime minister's prime ministerial ambitions.
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“Independent” corruptor. Another source close to the President’s Office voices a more pragmatic version: “He simply stole blatantly and without permission.” According to this logic, Chernyshov crossed the line — he began taking bribes and lobbying interests without consulting the “top brass,” which provoked a reaction from the anti-corruption vertical, which is now working for show.
The main target is not Chernyshov?
There is an opinion that the real target of the case is not so much Chernyshov himself, but Vasyl Volodin, one of the most influential people in Naftogaz. After Chernyshov left, it was he, and not the formal chairman Serhiy Koretsky, who had control over the company. Volodin managed finances, procurement, and appointments at Gazmerezh, a structure that has become a symbol of total corruption in the gas sector.
Volodin's detention could pave the way for Koretsky to take over the real management of Naftogaz. And therefore, to redistribute influence in the energy sector. Who exactly will gain this control will become clear from the new personnel decisions.
What's next?
The scandal with Chernyshov and Volodin is not just about a separate corruption scheme. It is part of a broader struggle for control over key state resources in a wartime environment. The rhetoric of “fighting corruption” can be both a cover and a real tool here.
But regardless of the motives, one thing is obvious: even the president's closest entourage has no guarantees of immunity if they "steal past the system.".
