The war showed the depth of the gap between Ukraine and the Russian opposition

Ukraine and the liberal Russian opposition have a common enemy – both want to end the rule of President Vladimir Putin and his war against Ukraine. But Ukraine's reaction to the death of Russian opposition leader Oleksiy Navalny, Putin's biggest opponent, showed the depth of the gap between the two sides, writes the American edition of The Washington Post.

It also underscored the difficulty of reconciliation between the two neighboring countries, even if Putin were gone.

As tens of thousands of Russians in their country and around the world gathered to pay their respects to the late politician whom they saw as Russia's last democratic hope, the reaction in Ukraine was subdued – if not at times downright hostile – as many Ukrainians viewed Navalny with skepticism.

His widow Yulia Navalny's announcement that she would lead the fight against Putin drew the same contemptuous reaction. Many Ukrainians do not perceive Navalny as the standard-bearer of democracy that he is considered to be in the West.

The American publication notes that Ukrainian First Lady Olena Zelenska declined an invitation to President Biden's inauguration in part, according to officials familiar with the discussions, because of plans to seat her next to Navalny, who also declined the invitation, citing fatigue.

Such relations between Ukrainians and Russians have deep roots, writes WP.

Many in Ukraine see this war as the last chapter of a century of oppression by Russian rulers, and liberal Russians, in particular Navalny, as only a part of Russian society - and its imperial project.

"Relations between Ukrainians and Russians are generally tense. Ukrainians cannot be accused of hating Russia, and in many cases this applies to all Russians," the newspaper quoted Volodymyr Ashurkov, a close associate of Navalny, as saying.

However, Russian liberals, writes WP, walk on a razor's edge. Their opposition to the war puts them in opposition to much of their own society, including the thousands of families whose men went to fight in Ukraine.

Meanwhile, Ukrainians believe that the Russian opposition does not sufficiently condemn the killing of Ukrainians and the occupation of their lands, and instead opposes the war from a Russian perspective, focusing mainly on the loss of Russian soldiers and the impact of the conflict on Russians themselves.

Navalny, who spent summers with his Ukrainian grandparents, has historically supported the idea that Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians are one people, and that Crimea, illegally annexed by Putin in 2014, was historically part of Russia.

Later, Navalny abandoned these statements - last year he published a 15-point plan to dismantle Putin's dictatorship and return Ukraine to its pre-1991 borders, including Crimea. The plan provided for the payment of compensation to Ukraine and the investigation of war crimes in Russia.

However, this did not convince many Ukrainians, and although President Volodymyr Zelensky was quick to condemn Navalny's death as the latest proof of Putin's murderous regime, there was no sympathy for this in Ukraine. Some were even delighted by this news, rejoicing in the death of what they called an "imperialist chauvinist", writes the American publication.

"During his lifetime, Navalny did not bring any benefit to the Ukrainian victory. Instead, he did a lot of damage. He supported the illusion in the West that democracy is possible in Russia, and the opposition exists," Valeriy Pekar, a teacher at the Kyiv-Mohyla Business School, wrote on Facebook.

Ukrainian philosopher and essayist Volodymyr Yermolenko told The Post that he thinks Russian liberals have a "long way to go" before they can get along with Ukrainians.

"There should be more self-criticism, understanding of the imperial past and present. About what the Russian idea actually means. We do not see this in Russia at all," he said.

Ukrainians were also frustrated by the failure of Russian society to remove Putin, as they themselves did with Viktor Yanukovych ten years ago.

"History is not made in prisons. Changes are forged by resistance to violence, weapons and the creation of new institutions," WP quotes Ukrainian political scientist Petro Okhotin, who serves in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

The publication mentions how in an emotional speech a few hours before the full-scale invasion of Russia, Zelensky called on the Russian people to rise up. "Who can stop this war? People! ... It's time to stop it now, before it's too late," he said in Russian.

The Russians, however, did not revolt. A tiny minority of those who publicly opposed the war were quickly arrested and imprisoned for long terms. According to the Russian political organization "OVD-Info", 901 criminal cases have been initiated against anti-war protesters.

A handful of Russians have joined Ukrainian battalions to fight against their own state, but this remains a point of contention among the Russian opposition, as does fundraising for the Ukrainian army, WP writes.

Russian liberals say they have no more tools left to fight. Their opposition leaders are dead or imprisoned. Even teenagers were arrested for protesting against the war. For some time after Navalny's death, the simple act of laying flowers became an act of political disobedience, and dozens of people were arrested at memorials and after the funeral.

"Everything is getting worse and worse - we need a miracle. Everyone is waiting for something unexpected to happen - without their influence. They no longer feel that they have power," the American publication quotes 47-year-old Anna, who came to lay flowers on Navalny's grave in Moscow on March 2.

Russian human rights activist Oleksandra Popova, whose husband Artem Kamardin was sentenced to seven years in prison last year for publicly reading anti-war poetry, said that the opposition inside Russia is intimidated and isolated.

"What the Russian opposition really lacks is sympathy from Ukraine - I noticed a lot of aggressive rhetoric like: 'you Russians are to blame for what is happening here.' But there are many people here who were imprisoned, tortured and killed... People in Russia are also suffering," the Washington Post quoted her as saying.

A successful Russian opposition will likely have to focus first and foremost on domestic issues rather than the fate of Ukrainians, enlisting the support of more neutral sections of the Russian population – including those who support the war and do not sympathize with the fate of Ukrainians in general.

"I think we should understand that Oleksii was a Russian politician. He focused on the political struggle and political achievements in Russia, and this was the perspective from which he chose his words, - WP quotes an associate of Navalny Ashurkov. - Yulia is also a Russian politician, so she will focus on things from this point of view."

Navalny himself has rejected the idea that all Russians have an imperial consciousness, blaming Putin's dictatorship instead and calling for the defeat of those who hold imperialist views through elections and peaceful protests.

But without proper recognition that Russian imperialism was the driving force behind the war, Ukrainians say, uniting against Putin is a distant dream.

"But such conversations are hardly held in Russian anti-Putin circles," the publication quotes the words of the Ukrainian writer of Afghan origin, Mariam Nayem. - In light of this, it is important to recognize that dialogue between the perpetrator and the victim is unattainable as long as the violence continues."